Americans believe a strong military will provide better opportunity for global peace though the means to an end is viewed in a wide lens based on political partisanship, according to the Dec. 4 release of the 2025 Reagan National Defense Survey.
The public opinion poll annually conducted since 2018 by polling firms for the Reagan Institute highlights national sentiment on defense and national security issues, in turn providing public officials, policymakers and other stakeholders with Americans’ more nuanced views on key issues with global implications. Polls are released each year in the summer and winter.
This year’s telephone and online survey of approximately 2,500 U.S. adults shows Americans’ wanting for the U.S. military to be a beacon for global engagement and pushing peace through strength, including bolstering American superiority on the world stage and taking a lead on international affairs.
The poll also finds agreement across partisan lines on issues like providing more weapons to Ukraine in its years-long war with Russia, or supporting Taiwan and providing military assistance should China invade the East Asian country.
Support of Strength
Overall, Americans surveyed expressed affinity for a strong global posture and a capable military force.
Approximately 64% of respondents responded that they want the U.S. to be more engaged and lead in international affairs, with 87% saying the U.S. having the most powerful military in the world is important. Another 71% said global peace is more attainable when the U.S. is the strongest global power.
Numbers vary based on political proclivities, with support from 79% of MAGA Republicans and 57% of Democrats. But nearly every demographic group, including across age and education levels, shows increased support for greater global leadership.
“That upward trend is being driven by the Republican demographic but it has been increasing across a number of different demographics, from age demographics, regional breakdowns and the like,” Rachel Hoff, policy director at the Ronald Reagan Institute, told media members during the survey’s unveiling. “That upward trend is really something that we’re seeing across the board.”
Numbers become more convoluted when factoring in military superiority plus trust and confidence in the military as an institution, and issues related to department name changes and the deployment of National Guard troops in American cities.
Confidence in Forces
The survey found that 54% of Americans have a high confidence that the military can keep the country safe, though just 49% believe it can win a war overseas. Another 45% said the U.S. military can deter foreign aggression.
U.S. service branches are viewed in a favorable light by the majority of respondents, finding superiority in air forces (68%), naval forces (58%), space capabilities (56%), and overall military strength (55%).
Numbers are smaller but still strong when asked about U.S. diplomatic influence (48%), ground forces (43%), economic strength (42%) and autonomous capabilities (40%).
Lowest Mark in Seven Years
One of the most glaring data points is related to the public’s perception of the U.S. military.
The poll shows 49% of Americans reporting a great deal of confidence—a significant decline of 21 percentage points since the first Reagan National Defense Survey in 2018. However, pollsters note that the current figure is roughly consistent with results from 2024.
“That flat line trend is sort of masking some partisan division,” Hoff said. “Just in the last year confidence among Democrats has fallen over 10 points and similarly, confidence among Republicans has increased around 10 points.
“So, even though that trend looks stable, it is sort of masking some upward and downward trends on either side of the political identification coin.”
The political and age divides are more stark.
Republicans’ high confidence in the U.S. military increased from 48% in 2023 to 67% this year, whereas high confidence among Democrats fell from 47% to 33%. And while members of both main political parties expressed a willingness to recommend military service—at a clip of 59%, up eight points from the 51% who said the same in 2023—the numbers are mixed, as 77% of Republicans would encourage service versus only 43% of Democrats.
The age gap in military trust also falls by generation, as 36% of those under 30 years of age; 44% of those aged 30–44; 53% of those 45–64; and 60% of those 65 and older have varied sentiments.
Name Changes and National Guard
Partisanship is emboldened among other aspects of the military, like the Trump administration’s decision to rename the Department of Defense to the Department of War. A total of 59% of those surveyed disapprove of the decision, but 58% of Republicans like it while only 17% of Democrats approve.
There is also a significant distinction in the way individuals on both sides of the aisle view support for using active-duty troops or federalized National Guard units to reinforce border security and assist local police in major civil disturbances. Approximately 61% overall said they approved regarding the border (87% of Republicans and 33% of Democrats) and numbers remained consistent regarding civil disturbances (55% overall and 85% of support from Republicans but 28% in opposition by Democrats).
When it comes to issues like diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) in the Pentagon, the partisan differences could not be more clear: Roughly 75% of Republican respondents said they approve its elimination while about 75% of Democrats feel the opposite.
NATO and Ukraine Numbers Spike
Americans view NATO in a favorable light at its highest ever levels across all Reagan Institute polling at 68%. That goes across bipartisan lines, with 80% of Democratic approval and 60% from Republicans—up from 50% in June, prior to the 2025 NATO Summit in The Hague.
“This is one [example] where clearly the Trump administration—President [Donald] Trump’s embrace of NATO, a result of the policies that he’s championed being adopted by NATO—what it’s done is that it’s increased Republican support. … There are some other issues where you see Republican enthusiasm and support at the same time results in a loss of enthusiasm and support on the part of Democrats. NATO is not one of them,” said Roger Zakheim, director of the Ronald Reagan Institute, in a conference call.
Another 76% overall, including nearly 8-in-10 Republicans and Democrats, said they support a U.S. military response if a NATO ally was attacked.
Also, support for the use of Article V—which is the NATO creed that an attack against one NATO nation is an attack on all of them—rose 5% since June.
“It reflects the durability, the bipartisan support of NATO,” Zakheim said. “And irrespective, at least from a Democratic standpoint, of who is the president—Republican President Donald Trump or Democratic President Joe Biden—they’re going to support NATO.
“There’s always been that same durable Republican support but skeptical Republicans did not favor NATO under Joe Biden’s leadership. [They] now have been swayed to support NATO as a result of President Trump’s policies and support for NATO. I think that’s a pretty unique story that we’re seeing.”
Ukraine, a country that has tried for NATO entry since Russia launched its invasion in February 2022, continues to receive strong U.S. support from both Republicans and Democrats.
A majority of Americans (62%, including 57% of Republicans and 72% of Democrats) responded that they want Ukraine to be victorious, including a nine-point jump to 64% among those who think the U.S. should continue sending weapons overseas. That latter figure includes 59% of Republicans.
The strategy behind the war’s conclusion also reached levels of unison. Both parties’ members favor full territorial sovereignty on Ukraine’s behalf.
“Overall, our Ukraine numbers have shifted across the board toward more support,” Hoff said. “Sixty-two percent of Americans, including a majority of both Republicans and Democrats, say they want Ukraine to win the war. Americans…perceive Russia as an adversary; they perceive Ukraine as an ally.”
She mentioned newer questions this year, including one on sending long-range cruise missiles such as Tomahawks in particular which is supported by 65% of Americans. Another 68% support sending American-made weapons to European allies, and then in turn those allies providing those weapons to Ukraine.
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